What Is a First Generation Immigrant?

If you’re a first-generation immigrant to a new country, you may wonder what your options are for social and economic integration. There’s been a great deal of research and debate about the assimilation process and its role in boosting upward mobility.

Study of assimilation

Assimilation is a term that has been around for decades. In its basic form, assimilation is a process in which immigrants become assimilated into American culture and society. But assimilation does not necessarily follow a linear path. Instead, assimilation is a fluid and sometimes reversible process.

An important aspect of assimilation is the naming of children. Children’s names are a clear indication of their cultural identity. They are a sign of convergence as well as a point of contention. For instance, many children of immigrants are given names like Vito or Clay. These are names that are familiar to many Americans, but are almost certainly given to children by immigrants.

Assimilation is a multidimensional concept, and researchers have explored it across various dimensions. However, the most common model is a linear one. Traditionally, assimilation is viewed as a progressive process of adjustment in which immigrants acquire new skills and culture to enable their advancement in society.

While a linear assimilation theory is useful for understanding integration of ethnic groups, it has received some criticism in recent scholarship. A more sophisticated model, known as segmented assimilation, asserts that immigrants have distinct paths to assimilation. This is based on the fact that immigrants must shed their old culture and embrace the values of the US.

The segmented model asserts that some groups can survive in America because of their stubborn cultural values. It also predicts that these groups will have different family structures than native-born ones. Some research demonstrates that these characteristics are not as evident as they should be.

In addition to identifying the’seen and unseen’ effects of immigration, the research also examined the relative importance of generational and ethnic factors. Specifically, it found that children of immigrants are more likely to experience discrimination than their first-generation counterparts.

Educational opportunities

First generation immigrants have more limited educational opportunities than natives. In fact, first-generation migrants account for 45 percent of the population with lower levels of education, with an average of around ten years of schooling.

The study of the educational outcomes of immigrant children over generations has shown substantial variation. This is due to a number of factors, including the immigrant’s family background, schooling experiences, and socio-economic characteristics. Despite these challenges, immigrant students are more likely to graduate from high school and attend college. Compared to third-plus generation students, immigrant students tend to have higher academic achievement.

Educational differences between generations of immigrants partially depend on the race or ethnicity of parents and children. The level of language and parental wealth also play a role. There are also school-related factors that can affect student outcomes, such as school size, teacher-to-student ratio, class size, and location.

First-generation immigrant students attended schools with a higher concentration of minority students. In addition, they attended larger schools. These characteristics of schools may explain why students from different racial and ethnic groups performed better or worse than their peers.

The 2002 PISA results indicated that immigrant-origin students outperformed their third-plus generation peers. Among the demographics studied, Asian American students had the highest scores. Moreover, girls had lower test scores than boys in mathematics.

Immigrants are the fastest-growing group of the US population. The share of immigrants with low education levels is much higher than the share of immigrants with high education.

Second-generation immigrants have smaller educational gaps, but they are still less likely to complete higher education. Nevertheless, they are better-off than their parents, and have the advantage of being able to access good schools.

Chances for upward mobility

The chances for upward mobility for first generation immigrants are often quite high. However, these opportunities can be limited by the circumstances of birth. A child of a Turkish immigrant for instance, may not receive as much educational benefit as a child of a U.S. born parent.

Children of immigrants enter the labour market in growing numbers. This creates new challenges for their upward mobility. But research into this topic has yet to provide concrete evidence of how many children of immigrants actually reach higher economic status than their U.S. born counterparts.

In their recent study, “Social Upward Mobility in Immigration,” authors Lang, Pott, and Schneider examine the phenomenon by comparing the movements of three immigrant cohorts. They found that the rate of social mobility among immigrants is on par with the rates observed in the past. Unlike in the past, though, these rates will probably not continue to rise.

These results suggest that despite their relative advantages, the chances for upward mobility are not always as good as they seem. Immigrants from Turkey or Moroccan backgrounds, for example, may have less than optimal educational levels and few years of schooling. Moreover, they could face considerable language and professional network barriers.

A more accurate picture of the chances for upward mobility for first generation immigrants is likely to be based on research that considers the actual occupational backgrounds of immigrant parents. This will be crucial because the earnings of immigrant parents likely underestimate their abilities.

However, it’s also important to note that the highest rates of upward mobility are not achieved by all immigrants. For example, some immigrants had better occupational skills at the time of their arrival.

Chances for social integration

First generation immigrants are at higher risk of social exclusion than the societal majority. The study suggests that a number of factors contribute to this. However, more research is necessary to understand what they mean and how they can be addressed.

One of the main challenges is understanding how to measure social integration in a meaningful way. These measures are shaped by the beliefs and preferences of immigrants and constraints in the host country.

Social integration is achieved through the development of a sense of belonging in the host society. Achieving this requires positive intergroup relations. It also involves building social capital. This includes familiarity, which eases the perceived threat of out-group members. Some policies can accelerate this process, but more research is needed.

Attitudes toward societal majority groups are important. The results of the current study suggest that immigrant groups have different attitudes towards the Dutch.

The study was approved by the Stockholm Regional Ethics Committee. There were five main hypotheses tested. Each had partial support. In the end, the first generation non-European immigrants were at a higher risk of isolation and victimization than the societal majority. They also had less favourable opinions of the Dutch than the majority youth.

Another interesting result was the extent to which out-group exposure benefited the immigrant adolescent’s view of the Dutch. Although this may seem counter-intuitive, it is a good idea to regularly interact with members of the societal majority.

Specifically, the researchers found that daily sustained exposure to out-group members increased familiarity and thus decreased perceived threats. However, this effect was not as strong for second and third generation immigrant adolescents.

The study suggests that more comprehensive studies are needed to identify which factors contribute to the emergence of a positive social identity. Until then, promoting cross-group friendships in diverse settings may be an effective way of improving intergroup relations.

Changing opportunities for upward mobility

Upward occupational mobility for first generation immigrants is a complex process. In many countries, there is wide variation in the earnings of immigrants. This is true for both low-skilled and high-skilled immigrants. The differences are both positive and negative.

Generally, the higher a person’s occupational status is before immigration, the better the chances for upward mobility. However, there are significant postmigration barriers that can reduce mobility. Some of these obstacles include language challenges, discrimination, and legal status.

Occupational achievement paths are often determined by institutional and individual agency. The influence of these two factors on career trajectories is well documented. Higher education has traditionally been seen as an engine of economic mobility.

Many people have achieved success in the United States from modest origins. Even President Barack Obama came from humble beginnings. But this is not the norm.

Children of immigrant parents are entering the labour market in increasing numbers. Research shows that children of immigrants fare better than native-born children in educational attainment and occupational attainment.

The upward occupational mobility of children of immigrants is an emerging research area. Recent studies show that the opportunities for upward mobility differ dramatically across countries.

Immigrants from Europe have a different set of opportunities. Their professional fields have different cultures, rules, and gatekeepers. Although migrants from Europe are still treated as ‘ethnic groups’, they are increasingly occupying societal positions.

Historically, researchers have studied mobility of immigrants in their country of origin. Traditionally, immigrant upward mobility studies have focused on immigrant parents.

However, there are many local-raised children of immigrants who are facing the same challenges as their immigrants. Using an Educational Longitudinal Study, researchers can track occupational mobility between generations.