What Is an Immigrant?

A person who immigrates is not necessarily a temporary visitor to a country. It can be a long-term migrant, an asylum seeker, or an ethnic or religious minority who is not considered to be part of the native population.

Asylum seekers

The term asylum seekers is often used interchangeably with the term refugees. However, the terms are very different.

Asylum seekers are immigrants who have been granted the legal right to reside in the United States. A refugee, on the other hand, is someone who is unwilling to return to his or her country of origin because of a well-founded fear of persecution.

Some people feel targeted for their ethnicity or political beliefs. Other asylum seekers are fleeing violence and natural disasters. Others leave their country for education or to work.

According to the 1951 Refugee Convention, a refugee is “a person who is outside his or her country of birth and who is in danger of being persecuted on account of race, religion, or nationality, or on account of having a disability”.

A refugee’s claim has been assessed by the government, and if the claim is valid, the person is entitled to seek protection. If a person is denied, they can’t apply for asylum again.

However, there are exceptions to the one-year rule. For example, extraordinary circumstances, such as if the person is a child, may permit the person to be considered an asylum seeker.

While the United States has adopted the definition of refugee under the 1951 Refugee Convention, the term is used in a variety of ways. In addition to the word, “refugee,” there are other terms that are used interchangeably, such as asylum-seeker and immigrant.

A “third-country rule” would prevent Central American immigrants from becoming documented U.S. residents.

Another way to define an asylum-seeker is by using the terms that are most familiar to many people. For example, they are defined as those who have fled their country for safety or because of a political opinion.

Ethnic or religious minorities

The term “minority” usually refers to Asians, Hispanics, African Americans, or Pacific Islanders. However, America’s ethnic landscape also includes other ethnic groups.

Religious affiliation plays a critical role in immigrant integration. However, it is often difficult to separate the effects of religious affiliation from those of nationality, ethnicity, class, and gender. This has prompted some scholars to explore the relationship between religion and the integration of immigrants in several countries.

For example, some studies suggest that religion provides social support for young immigrant adults. In addition, the sense of belongingness offered by religion can provide a psychological buffer against discrimination. But it can also hamper immigrant integration.

Some researchers suggest that religion is less important to minority youth than their parents’ generation. On the other hand, some argue that immigrant youth’s religion is important because it serves as a surrogate family. Studies have explored a wide range of factors affecting the immigrant labour market, including socio-economic status, educational attainment, criminal behaviour, and school-to-work transitions.

A number of studies have compared the immigrant labour market experiences of different religious denominations. These studies use methodologically rigorous analyses to explore both social and economic patterns.

Although some of the studies in this special issue focus on the Netherlands, other studies cover a number of other countries. These include the U.S., France, and Canada.

Across these countries, researchers have explored how various dimensions of integration – socio-economic, political, and cultural – influence the immigrant labour market experience. Unlike previous studies, these empirical investigations include a large array of data sets to enable a more rounded analysis.

A study by Beek and Fleischmann in the Netherlands finds that religion plays an important role in the integration of Turkish and Moroccan minorities. They investigate various aspects of the process, including the strength of religious adherence, the importance of religious symbols, and the effect of ethnicity on pre-marital cohabitation.

Temporary visitor

A temporary visitor is a nonimmigrant who is seeking to enter the United States for a period less than six months. This status allows the individual to work, study, or perform religious services for a limited amount of time. They are subject to an examination to ensure that the purpose of their visit is legitimate.

For most, a visit to the United States will involve an application for a visa. While the number of people applying for these visas has dropped over the past few years, some categories have regained momentum. The J visa, for instance, is an interesting category that includes short-term scholars, students, and summer work-travel visitors.

Other nonimmigrants may include seasonal agricultural workers (H-2B and H-2R), artists, and athletes. There are also a few countries that participate in the Visa Waiver Program, a program that allows certain individuals to travel to the United States without obtaining a visa.

A visitor’s visa is among the most common types of temporary nonimmigrant visas. However, the data doesn’t tell us how many of these visas are issued.

In fact, the number of temporary nonimmigrant visas has been declining over the past two fiscal years. Overall, the total number of nonimmigrants entering the country on a temporary visa has declined by 5 percent to 8 percent. That is in part because the number of business visitor and tourist visas has declined significantly.

The Department of Homeland Security tracks the number of temporary nonimmigrants who enter the United States in each fiscal year. But, unlike total numbers of nonimmigrants, the data only show the number of visas issued in a given year.

Spotlight on Visas, a DHS-sponsored report, explores the top nonimmigrant visa categories and their associated statistics. It draws on data from the Department of State and DHS.

Digital native

A digital native is a person who grew up in the information age, where technology is a major part of their lives. These people are able to use technology easily and quickly. They also have a strong relationship with digital devices such as smartphones, computers and the Internet.

The concept of a digital native was introduced by educational consultant Marc Prensky. He was concerned about the diagnosis of children with ADD and ADHD. According to Prensky, these children need a media rich learning environment.

The term “digital native” has been around since 2001. Prensky argues that digital natives are the dominant demographic of the global population. It does not apply to impoverished societies, but only to industrialized nations.

Digital immigrants are the pioneers of the technology boom in the late 20th century. These immigrants invented the cellphone, microchip and the Internet.

There are two main categories of Digital Immigrants. The first group, the Eager Adopters, text each other and share online stories about their interests.

The second, the Enthusiastic Participants, have an online presence but do not participate in social networking. They are aware of the latest technology trends and choose to interact with only interesting things.

Most of the time, the idea of a digital immigrant is used to describe someone who is not adapting to new technologies at a reasonable pace. But this can be misleading.

Several education researchers argue that the term digital native is a myth. The term digital immigrant is a sweeping generalization that ignores those born before 1985.

There is a lot of debate about the terms. Many parents and educators have embraced the term digital native. Nonetheless, it is important to recognize that the terms do not fully define the generational divide.

Long-term international migrant

Long-term international migrants are individuals who stay outside the country of their birth for a period of time. They can also migrate within a country, for a short time, for recreation or business. Some people migrate to another country for religious pilgrimage or medical treatment.

As part of the 2011 Census, the International Passenger Survey (IPS) was used to estimate international migration. As a sample survey, it contains data from a large number of passengers arriving and departing from main UK ports. IPS data include adjustments for asylum seekers, flow to and from Northern Ireland, dependants and switchers. The estimates are not as comprehensive as LTIM figures.

A number of variables are included in LTIM estimates, including age, marital status, gender and citizenship. These numbers are used to estimate the size of the migrant population, which can be compared with the LFS.

Two models are employed to estimate the size of the migrant populations in the UK and across Europe. The first model attempts to explain the undercount of the LFS. The second model assesses the accuracy of the available data sets and the limitations they present.

The model for 2019 shows that there is a lower overall number of migrants of other nationalities than the previous year. However, the number of settled status applications is near the median estimated value.

Home Office data suggest that the number of applicants for presettlement applications is lower than LFS. The same is true for Polish and Romanian migrants. This suggests that the LFS undercounts immigrants from these countries.

As well as comparing data from different sources, it is important to look at the timeline of methodological changes. These changes can make it more difficult to measure the size of the migrant population.